26 December 2020

God Jul! (2020)


The following is a Christmas story excerpt from Charles J. Hoflund's reminiscenses.123  In 1850 Hoflund emigrated with his family from Djursdala parish, Kalmar län – his recollections of life in Sweden and his experiences in America are especially relevant to understanding the early Swedish settlers in the Jamestown area.

It was customary to get up long before daylight on Christmas Eve morning, take a lantern or a torch and chop wood for the fireplace until time for breakfast. We were very careful to see that we had a good supply of hemlock for the evening, which would enliven the scene by its crackle like a lot of fire crackers.

And now when the long and earnestly looked for Christmas Eve had come, and the chores had been thoroughly attended to, which was not a small item, as the cow barn, horse barn, sheephouse, and even the hog house had to be cleaned, and the animals all given a double portion of the very best feed, we carried in the wood and got ready for the evening's pleasure. Mother had different kinds of meat on the stone hearth (spishälla) before a roaring fire; not only did we have pork, beet, and mutton, but many different kinds of sausages and potatoes were placed there to roast. The whole hearth was full, and it was quite large, since it came out some distance from the wall in circular form and was about six inches higher than the floor.

Well, it was a scene, the impressions of which it is impossible for me to convey to an American-born, for it was a scene never witnessed in a common peasant's family but once a year. Generally in everyday life these things (meat, butter, cheese, and so forth) were meted out according to age. I was the oldest of the children and, for instance, when pork was served I generally got the largest piece of any of the children, and after that one piece it was useless to ask for more at that meal. But how gloriously everything had changed at Christmastime, for then and for sometime after we could have all we wanted of everything and anything there was. And then to sit down by a regular table, spread with a white linen cloth and lighted with candles, not a few, and the floor spread with pine and hemlock branches contributed not a little to the festivities.

Before we sat down to the table, Father would read out of a book of sermons, a part appropriate for the occasion, and then Mother and Father would sing some of those beautiful old Christmas hymns to be found in the Swedish Lutheran Hymnbook, which a Swede never tires of hearing. Both were good singers, and loved to sing, especially Mother who sang a great deal until she was ninety-one years old. She knew most of the Lutheran and Methodist hymnals by heart, and she would often sing while in bed at night, it was such a pleasure to her!

All in all this Yuletide must have had a wonderful effect on us children, for I remember the last Christmas Eve we were in Djursdala going into the yard, and as I looked up into the sky on this clear starlit night, it seemed to me as though the whole heavens were full of music, and had come down so near to earth that the angels could be heard.

I have now tried to describe a Christmas in our part of the country among the farmer folk in 1848, and have gotten as far as about ten o'clock Christmas Eve. It was not thought best to stay up any longer as we had to get up very early in order to go to Julotta [the Christmas morning service] for up to this time it has been our physical being which has been cared for, and now comes the more important provision, that of our spiritual being. Of course, no one could rightly do that but our ordained rector, and in no other place could these needs be as effectively supplied as in the parish church. This was a rural district and some of the parishioners had to go five or six miles and even more on foot through the deep snow and bitter cold.

But regardless of all these difficulties everyone who was able to be up was sure to go to Julotta. They would have felt dissatisfied all the rest of the year if they had not gone. And think what a sight they would have missed. Every nook and corner of the old church was lighted with candles, the best lights of those days when there were no oil or kerosene lamps, and a church lighted by anything else than sunlight during the whole year with the exception of Christmas morning would have been out of all reason.

But I must not neglect to say something about our good rector, for he certainly was a picture worthy of the time and place. How we would stare at him in his brilliant vestments and a great glittering cross that covered his back. It was certainly something that would stir the dormant spirits that dwell inside those stiff, gray homespuns as nothing else could do.

Djursdala church (interior)
Interior of Djursdala Church.
Photograph by Ulf Klingström, 2009. 
Open licensed/public domain
through Wikimedia Commons
A good part of the time was spent by us children in looking at the weird old fresco painting on the ceiling, which represented scenes of both Old and New Testaments, the prophets, evangelists, apostles, and a good sprinkling of angels good and bad. The pulpit was built out from the wall like a huge basket, so high that the head of an ordinary man was just visible. On top of this was placed a small, angelic figure, so it was not to be wondered at that in our estimation the man who occupied this important place was not an ordinary person, and for that reason, it was very natural that we should humble ourselves whenever he was met by taking off our caps and bowing very reverently.

Djursdala Church was, and is yet, a wooden structure, how old I never knew, and I believe, very few did know. Every seat [pew] had a door from the center aisle so that no one could get the seat they were not intended for. I think our seat was the third or fourth from the front, and I can remember that I had quite a little pride for being permitted to sit so near the altar, which was nicely decorated with a scene of the crucifixion.

Djursdala Church and Klockstapeln (bell tower).
Photograph by Ulf Klingström, 2009. 
Open licensed/public domain through Wikimedia Commons
Before I leave this subject I must say a few words about the old belfry, for it was always an object of interest to me. It was not connected with the church, but stood a little way off and was built a good deal on the plan of a windmill tower only very much higher and stronger. I think it had three bells. The largest one was larger than any I have ever seen since, and I remember it was said that it took a man with strong nerve to go up there in that rickety tower and ring the big bell. I was up in the belfry one time when this bell was rung, and have a very vivid recollection of how frightened I was when the man began to tread the big bell. The whole structure would sway, for the weight of the bells was below the beam or axle they were fastened to. I have learned recently that this tower and these bells were still standing at the present time, and they were doing service, which was a surprise to me, and I could hardly believe it.

But I see I have digressed from my subject of Yuletide, so now a few words more about Julotta. Of course, everyone was anxious for the minister to come to the last words of his sermon as quickly as possible, and especially was this true of the younger generation. About the time the candles burnt down it began to get daylight, and then we could display our new clothes to good advantage. My, how anxious we children were that people would take notice of us and make some complimentary remarks.

As soon as services were over the young folks would break out for home to see who could get there first. Nearly everyone had to travel on foot, and when the snow was deep this task was quite a difficult one. The first thing we received on arriving home was a small glass of punch, which consisted of homemade whiskey [brännvin] diluted with water and sweetened to taste, some bread and butter, or a little cheese. Then we did the chores and had breakfast, after which the children would strike out for sport of some kind.

If the skating was good most all would steer for the mill pond or the low marshy ground along the river, as sometimes that would overflow and freeze and make the finest kind of a skating pond. When the weather was nice and the ice clear and smooth, we would keep it up all day and sometimes until late at night. I remember one time I was so tired and sore that I could hardly make my way home.

Road outside Djursdala.
Google image 2011, ©2020

But if, as sometimes was the case, the snow had spoiled the skating, then we would have to resort to the toboggans or sleds, for there was always good sleighing during the winter. The road or street that ran through the hamlet (Djursdala village) was on quite a steep hill, and at the upper end, a little outside of the limits, was a still steeper hill. This was called stentrappan, which means stone stairs. Every hill, hillock, and mountain had its special name. At evening the young people would gather on top of this hill with sleds of all manner and fashion. The young men would press into service even bobsleds upon which all who had a chance would pile like a swarm of bees. Quite often someone would get hurt for the sled was sometimes so heavily loaded that it was hard to steer, and consequently they would run into a tree or a pile of boulders along the side of the road.

Djursdala. Photograph from
Musteriet i Djursdala.
A restaurant and guest houses
are in the village, see Musteriet

During this Christmastime there was a great deal of visiting, especially among relatives, and the visit would be not only for a single meal, but often for several days. So we certainly had a hilarious Christmastime in Sweden, and besides this there was a great number of festive days all of which contributed not a little to make the social conditions there very pleasant.



Merry Christmas! 


Djursdala landscape
Djursdala overlooking Lake Juttern 
Photograph by Nils Carlgren, 1947.
Kalmar Läns Museum, collection reference
no. KLMF.A08835 Public Domain.

Endnotes

  1. Charles J. Hoflund and H Arnold Barton. Getting Ahead: A Swedish Immigrant's Reminiscences, 1834-1887. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989,  p 8-13.
    Digital edition available through OpenLibrary.org [archive.org/details/gettingaheadswed00hofl_0]. 

    Barton's editorial notes added to an already significant text. H. Arnold Barton (1929-2016) was a leading historian of Swedish-American history whose family also had their origins in Djursdala parish.

  2.  Charles J. Hoflund (1834 Djursdala - 1914 Omaha, Nebraska) who had left Sweden at age 16 dictated these memories to his grandson in 1913. The publication of these accounts has itself an interesting history, see the introduction in Hoflund and Barton.

  3. Djursdala in map of region
    based on SCB Rikets indelningar, 1992 
    Djursdala parish is located near the center of the primary region of early emigrants to Warren and Chautauqua County.  Approximately 80 emigrants left Djursdala for Amerika between 1849 and 1852.   Most of these emigrants settled near Andover, Henry County, Illinois.

    John P. Dahlen [1850.061] and his family also emigrated from Djursdala but settled in Chautauqua County instead.  They travelled along with the Hoflund family aboard the bark VIRGINIA.  Note that this was the same ship and captain who brought our earliest settlers to New York in 1846.

    Nine early Jamestown Swedes were born in the parish, twelve emigrated from Djursdala.

22 September 2020

The Buffalo Years 1846-1848 (Part 3): Mary C. Bovet

The earliest known history of the Swedish community in our area was published in 1877.  Two articles about the Sugar Grove (Chandlers Valley) settlement were published in Hemlandet, edited by Johan Alfred Enander, and almost certainly based on the recollections of Frederick J. Johnson [1846.003].  This pioneer's story identified the woman who came to the aid of the distraught group of Swedes in Buffalo in August 1846:  

De förnämste och mest framflående damerna i Buffalo hade upprättat ett hem eller asyl för fattiga (icke fattighus), Bland dem, hwilka arbetade mest för detta hem, war en qwinna, hwilken amerikanarne ännu påstå war till börden franska, ehuru hon kunde tala swenska. Denna ädla qwinna war dock werkligen till börden swenska, men i äktenskap förenad med en fransman. Hennes namn war Bovet. Såsom en af de styrande inom nämda Bethesda medwerkade hon till att twå fattiga swenska familjefäder Germund Johnson och Peter Larson singo sina äldsta barn upptagna i detta hem.

Prominent society women in Buffalo had established a home or hospice for the poor. One of those who did most for the cause was a woman whom Americans generally looked upon as French born, but who was really born a Swede, but was married to a Frenchman.  The name of this noble woman was Bovet.  As a director of the Bethesda home, she was instrumental in gaining admission to it for children of the Germund Johnson and Peter Larson families, which were reduced to poverty.1 

I have previously written about the two years spent by the group of Swedes who arrived aboard the Virginia in 1846, see The Buffalo Years, 1846-1848 (Part 1) and The Buffalo Years, 1846-1848 (Part 2).  I have also written about the role played by the Buffalo Orphan Asylum in the settlement in Sugar Grove.2  This blog sketches out what little is known about the unusual life of this noble woman named Bovet.


Identification

Mary C. Bovet (1794 Ulriksdal, Stockholms län – 1879 Buffalo, New York) was the Swedish-born wife of the French-speaking, Swiss grocer, Pierre A. Bovet.  It is rare and a bit ironic that a Swedish woman had married a Swiss man.3  Her story is a most unusual combination of places and events.

The family had arrived in New York City on 5 August 1842 aboard the FRANCONIA from Le Havre.  The Bovets settled in Buffalo about 1842, and first appeared in the 1844 city directory.4   Pierre Bovet died 8 June 1848 in Buffalo, leaving his wife and two daughters, Emilie (1831-1885) and Augusta (1835-1871).  The widow and her children have not been located in the 1850 United States Census and they may not have been enumerated.  In 1855 the family was living in Buffalo's 4th Ward and had an 18 year old Swiss boarder, Edward Guillod, a blacksmith. By 1860, Mary Bovet was living in the household of Augusta who had married William Bellisaire Sirret (1834 Beaucourt, Belfort, Franche-Comté, France – 1895 Buffalo) and had begun their family.  In 1865 Mary Bovet was living with her other daughter Emilie, who had married a French tailor named James Schneider; they lived in the same house as William and Augusta Sirret.  In 1870 and 1875 she continued living with her daughter Emilie's family and then died at age 84 in 1879.  Mary C. Bovet was buried in Forest Lawn Cemetery in Buffalo alongside her husband, whose remains had been relocated to the W. B. Sirret family plot.

Photographs by GraceDV on Find a Grave Memorial ID: 215056031. 



Switzerland

The wedding banns5 of Pierre Bovet and Marie Vänbom identify them living in 1824 in Lugnorre, Fribourg and Saint-Blaise, Neuchâtel (about 6 miles/10 km apart) near the border with France.

Reformed Church (Switzerland) records, Saint-Blaise parish, Marriages 1824-1852, p 5.


The family is registered in 1836 living in the village of Lugnorre. They are listed as Pierre and Marie Bovet, Pierre worked as a farmer and they had a son named Louis, plus daughters Emelie and Augusta. In 1839 they were again in Lugnorre but living in the household of David Bovet (age 77).  One of their neighbors was the family of Rodolpho and Susette Guillod who had a son named Edvin (age 2)  –  possibly the same as the boarder living with them in Buffalo in 1855.

The manifest of the Franconia lists the family (excluding son Louis) arriving 5 August 1842 in New York City: "Peter Bovat 52 male, merchant, Maria 46 female, Emilie 10 female, Augusta 7 female."   The fate of their son is not yet known.

This documentation in Switzerland connects them to their immigration in America but also asks the question how did Marie (Mary) arrive in Saint-Blaise especially since there was almost no emigration from Sweden before 1840?

Stockholm


Eric Vänbom and Anne Catherine Pilgren are not common names and identifying them in Sweden was not difficult.  The phonetic transcription Vänbom was very close to the Swedish identify of Eric Wendbom, born in 1766 in Solna parish just northwest of Stockholm.  He was married to Anne Catherine Pihlgren also born in Solna in 1766.  Wendbom was a carpenter working at Ulriksdal palace.  His bouppteckning reported in 1828 the list of his children who included "3º Dottren Margaretha Catharina Wennbom, bosatt i Sveitz sedan år 1813."  This corroborated the identification and provided the additional detail that Margaretha (later Marie and Mary) had left Sweden as a young woman.

The household registers identified Margaretha's birthdate as 1 May 1794 in Solna denoting that she had left Sweden at about age 19.  The household register for her family indicated that she moved from Ulriksdal in Solna parish to Stockholm in 1813.  A record of incoming residents at the Palace in Stockholm identified Wendbom, Marg. Cathr. arriving 10 March 1813 to work for Conditor Gavuzi.6   

Photograph by Elgaard Holger, 2011. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license.

Some background on Ulriksdal, the location of a royal palace and during these years the home of the queen dowager of Gustav III, Sophia Magdalena of Denmark.  Gustav III had been assassinated in 1792 in a conspiracy by a group of nobles.  He was succeeded by Gustav IV Adolf who was deposed in a coup in 1809. His uncle was then placed on the throne as Charles XIII and he accepted in 1810 the French general Jean-Baptiste Jules Bernadotte as his successor.  This era of royal turbulence established the palace at Ulriksdal as a refuge outside the intrigue of the capital.




This is a reference to Etienne Gavuzzi, the pastry chef for Queen Sophia Magdalena.  Gavuzzi's own story7 is amazing:

Girolamo’s last child, baptized ‘Stefanus Gavuzzo’ at Cinzano in 1763, emigrated to Sweden in 1790 when he was 27 years old. On arrival he adopted the name Etienne Maria Gavuzzi….The first documentary evidence of Stefano’s residence in Sweden is in 1791 when he appears in the Swedish port of Helsingborg...In 1793 Stefano went to Stockholm to work for the dowager queen Sofia Magdalena... She engaged him as head waiter (hofmästare) and pastry maker (konditor). The dowager queen died in 1813, but Stefano continued to work for the court. The following year, 1814, ‘Hof Conditor Gavuzzi’ is listed in the account book of the queen Hedwig Elizabeth Charlotte as receiving an annual salary of 300 Riksdaler (Rdr) plus costs of 228 Rdr. The costs included an assistant who was paid annually 50 Rdr (SRS 1806-1814). However, the queen died in 1818 and it is probable that Stefano, now aged 55 years, retired. On 4 May 1814 he received a royal license to sell confectionery, ice-cream, liqueurs, lemonade and Swiss pastry in Stockholm. His bakery was about 200 meters south-west of the royal palace...Stefano employed two women in 1820, but closed the shop in 1830 when he was 67 years old. He was receiving a substantial pension from the state when he died in 1833.


Eric Wendbom's bouppteckning indicated that Margaretha left Stockholm in 1813 for Switzerland, so it is likely that she worked for Gavuzzi for only a short time.  No register of people leaving the royal household for this period is available and no documentation of her emigration has been found to date.  The question of her connection to Neuchâtel and Switzerland remained unanswered, but a best guess was that Margaretha was employed as a servant for a family of a diplomat or a merchant in post-Bonaparte France.


The Swedish Noble Society

Polycarpus von Schneidau, 
portrait by Maria Röhl, 1835.

Fritz von Dardel,
portrait by Maria Röhl, 1841.
The loathing of the noble class felt by many emigrants was one of the factors that led Swedes to abandon their homeland. Despite this, many historians had credited Polycarpus von Schneidau (see bio ) as influential in the decision of Peter Cassel to emigrate from Kisa parish in 1845 (I disagree with that hypothesis). This is significant to the history of Swedish settlement in the Jamestown area because Peter Cassel's emigration in 1845 led directly to the emigration in 1846 of the families who would become the first Swedish settlers in Sugar Grove.

Research by Par Rittsell identified a contemporaneous description of von Schneidau by Fritz von Dardel.  Von Dardel was a fellow bon vivant who noted that personal debts were the scandalous reason8 for von Schneidau's emigration to America in 1842:  

Upon our arrival in Hamburg, [w]e also happened to encounter a Captain Schneidau, who escaped from Sweden for debt and was now awaiting suitable accommodations to proceed to America. A young beautiful Jew named Jakobsson had followed him here, and they had entered into marriage. S[chneidau] was a handsome young man with black eyes and mustaches. He had ruined himself by living over his assets, but did not seem at all bothered to meet us and gave us a poetic depiction of his marriage idyll.9 

As a result of looking into the the biographical details of Fritz von Dardel (1817-1901), it became clear that his family was almost certainly connected to the emigration of Margaretha Wendbom to Switzerland. 

Fritz Ludvig von Dardel was born 24 March 1817 at Vigner, his family's vineyard farm in Saint-Blaise in Neuchâtel canton, Switzerland.  He became an important member of King Charles XV's entourage and was influential as an artist and cartoonist (see Wikipedia - Fritz von Dardel). His parents were Captain Georges-Alexandre Dardel and Hedvig Sofia Charlotta Amalia Lewenhaupt.

Georges-Alexander Dardel (1775-1863) was the fourth child of pastor David Dardel and his wife Marianne d'Ivernois. The Dardel family had long been established in Saint-Blaise and the surrounding area.  The young Dardel enlisted in 1796 as a Second Lieutenant in the mercenary regiment10 of Count Charles-Daniel de Meuron established in 1791. De Meuron was a native of Neuchâtel and his regiment of 1020 soldiers was primarily made up of Swiss Protestant men. The Meuron Regiment first served in South Africa and Ceylon for the Dutch East India Company, but with the revolution in the Netherlands and the establishment of the Batavian Republic (basis for the name of Batavia, New York), the regiment was transferred to service of the British government.  As a British regiment, they served in Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Mysore (India), and then in the Iberian peninsula and Mediterranean during the Napoleonic Wars.  The Meuron Regiment was then transferred to Canada for the War of 1812 to fight against the United States, was at the Battle of Plattsburg, and then disbanded in 1816. Many Canadians are descendants of soldiers who had been part of this regiment.

Dardel was promoted to Lieutenant in 1800, returned to Europe in 1802 and was then promoted to Captain in 1803.11  He was sent by the British to recruit new troops in Pomerania, then still a part of Sweden. Dardel was in Helsingborg when the British fleet passed through on their way to bombard Copenhagen in 1807 and he had recently met his future wife Sophia Lewenhaupt.  She was from a noble family, had become the younger, second wife of the Rear Admiral (and Earl) Hans Fredrik Wachtmeister, and was recently widowed.  Dardel and Lewenhaupt married in 1808 and lived at Hornsund, an estate near Flen in Södermanland.12  In 1810 George-Alexander Dardel was made a noble by Charles XIII, raising his status to that of his wife.

In the summer of 1814 the couple and their three young children left Sweden.  Sophie was pregnant in her third trimester during this long trip south through Germany and their son Adolph died in Darmstadt in August.  Their fourth child, Alexis, was born 4 October in Neuchâtel.  The family settled in Dardel's native Saint-Blaise, a village along the northeast shore of the 23 mile/38 km Lake Neuchâtel in Switzerland.   Saint-Blaise had about 700-900 residents at that time, about half the current population of Mayville, New York.

The Dardel Family in Saint-Blaise. watercolor by Fritz von Dardel, 1843. L-R:  Sophie Lewenhaupt Dardel, Marianne Dardel (older sister of Georges-Alexander), Fritz (drawing), Augusta, Louis-Alexandre and Georges-Alexander Dardel (seated).  
Collection of Nordiska museet, Stockholm, Identifier: NMA.0037723.


Margaretha Wendbom likely accompanied the family on their trip to Switzerland in 1814 and served in their new household in Saint-Blaise.  There is no information about her that I have found in the diaries of Fritz von Dardel.  However, the Dardel family retains letters of the family so there might be some reference to Margaretha (Marie) in their collections.  Wendbom's marriage ten years later in 1824 likely signaled the end of her decade-long service to the Dardel family.

*          *          *

Mary C. Bovet lived within the orbit of a Queen, the aristocracy and a president (Millard Fillmore was also associated with the Buffalo Orphan Asylum), and knew palaces, vineyards and a young America.  Her nobility lay in her charity work in Buffalo which led to the circumstances that established the Swedish immigrant community in Warren and Chautauqua counties. 


Endnotes

  1. “Svenskarne i Sugar Grove (Pennsylvanien), Jamestown (N.Y.) och å kringliggande platser.” Hemlandet, 28 Mar 1877, page 2 ; and “Svenskarne i Sugar Grove (Pennsylvanien), Jamestown (N.Y.) och å kringliggande platser.” [continuation]  Hemlandet, 18 April 1877, page 2 .  The first article ends with (Forts.) – to be continued.  The second article ends with (Forts.) – to be continued.  However, no later article has been found (search through 3 June 1877 and word search for Sugar Grove and Jamestown in 1877). The Crimean War appears to have interrupted its publication. The translator of this article into English is unknown; it is included in the Lindeblad collection in the Swenson Swedish Immigration Research Center.

  2. Sandy, Donald, Jennifer Liber Raines and John Everett Jones. "The Buffalo Orphan Asylum and the Settlement of Swedes in Northwestern Pennsylvania and Western New York" Swedish-American Historical Quarterly, October 2016, p 216-240.

  3. It was quite common for Americans to confuse the Swiss and the Swedes, Switzerland and Sweden.

    Buffalo expanded rapidly in the 1840s, especially with German and French speaking immigrants. Suisse et Suède, Schweiz und Schweden, the Swiss and the Swedes were smaller communities that were commonly mistaken as Germans and French and also with each other in the next several censuses.  

    Note that during this period some cantons in Switzerland paid their citizens to emigrate in hopes of reducing poverty. 

  4. "Bovet, Peter h 28 Clinton" listed in 1844 Walker's Buffalo City Directory. Buffalo: Lee & Thorp's Press, 1844, p 61.

    1855 New York State Census, Household No. 797, Buffalo Ward 4, Erie County; 1860 United States Federal Census, Household No. 885, Buffalo Ward 4, Erie County, New York; 1865 New York State Census, Household No. 41, Buffalo Ward 2, ED 3, Erie County; 1870 United States Federal Census, Household No. 1354, Buffalo Ward 10, Erie County, New York; 1875 New York State Census, Household No. 36, Buffalo Ward 10, ED 3, Erie County.

    Margaretha C. “Mary” Wendbom Bovet, see Find A Grave Memorial ID 215056031. For additional documentation see her listing in LDS Familysearch.org [familysearch.org/tree/person/details/27TN-5WK accessed 2020.09.21]

  5. "La Dimanches cinq, douze et dix neuf Décembre Mil huit cent vingt quatre ont été publiés sans opposition le bans du mariage entre Pierre Abraham Bovet de Lugnores, y demeurant, fil de Pierre Louis Bovet et de sa femme Marie née Biolley; et Marie Vänbom de Stockholm demeurant  à devant à saint Blaise et maintenant à Neuchatel, fille d' Eric Vänbom et de sa femme Anne Catherine née Pilgren d'autrepart."  

    Reformed Church (Switzerland) records, Saint-Blaise parish, Marriages 1824-1852, p 4-5. Roughly translated as:

    "On the Sundays of the fifth, twelvelth and nineteenth of December 1824 were published unopposed the wedding banns between Pierre Abraham Bovet of Lugnores, residing there, son of Pierre Louis Bovet and wife Marie nee Biolley; and Marie Vänbom of Stockholm residing before in Saint Blaise and now in Neuchatel, daughter of Eric Vänbom and his wife Anne Catherine nee Pilgren for the other part."

    The household of Pierre and Maria Bovet was listed in the civil registration of the canton of Fribourg:

    Household No. 56, Lugnorre, Morat Commune, Fribourg Civil Registration, 1836 "Suisse, Fribourg, Recensement, 1836," Archives de l'Etat de Fribourg (Fribourg State Archives, Fribourg), DI IIa 24, Folios 1-218 (image 193/220).  See LDS FamilySearch.org [familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QSQ-G9HP-B7JJ?cc=2142773&wc=MHFJ-P6D%3A368381701%2C368388301 : accessed 2020.09.22].

    Household No. 1, Lugnorre, Morat, Fribourg "Suisse, Fribourg, Recensement, 1839," Archives de l'Etat de Fribourg (Fribourg State Archives, Fribourg), DI IIa 31, Folios 193-428 (image 145/237). See LDS FamilySearch.org [familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QS7-89HB-Q32Q?cc=2143219&wc=MHNM-DMS%3A387859001%2C387860701 : accessed 2020.09.22].

  6. Special thanks to Maud Svensson for locating this record of Margaretha entering the royal household, see Hovförsamlingens kyrkoarkiv, Inflyttningslängder (1805-1817), SE/SSA/0007/B I/1, np [image 57/105]. See discussion on the Rötter website [forum.rotter.se/index.php?topic=168143.0 accessed 2020.09.21].

    The birth of Margaretha is recorded in Solna kyrkoarkiv, Födelse- och dopböcker (1768-1833), SE/SSA/1564/C I/1, p 162. The household examinations include (sometimes she is listed as Maria): Solna kyrkoarkiv, Husförhörslängd, Ulriksdalsroten (1790-1798), SE/SSA/1564/A I b/2, p 27;  Solna kyrkoarkiv, Husförhörslängd, Ulriksdalsroten (1799-1805), SE/SSA/1564/A I b/3, p 26; Solna kyrkoarkiv, Husförhörslängd, Ulriksdalsroten (1805-1811), SE/SSA/1564/A I b/4, p 27. Solna kyrkoarkiv, Husförhörslängd, Ulriksdalsroten (1811-1823), SE/SSA/1564/A I b/5, p 41. 

    The bouppteckning for Eric Wennbom is located in the court records: Danderyds-skeppslags-häradsrätt-FII-14-1828-1829, p 53 [image 1100]

  7. Details about the life in Stockholm of Etienne Maria Gavuzzi born Stevfanus Gavuzzo (1763-1846) are included in a wonderful family history, see Stewart, Alexander D, and Silvia Gavuzzo-Stewart. Gavuzzo & Gavuzzi: The History of a Piedmontese Family from the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century. Amelia, Italy, 2006, p 38-39.

  8.  For the research by Rittsel, see his website on the history of photography in Sweden, [sites.google.com/site/prittsel/polycarpusvonschneidau accessed 2020.09.21]

    Most historians have attributed von Schneidau's emigration to his marriage to a Jew, Caroline Jacobsson.  Like his "influential letters," this cause for his departure has become a pseudo-fact, and is undocumented and likely inaccurate.

    Polycarpus von Schneider [sic]  1835 portrait by Maria Röhl, pencil on paper, edited. Collection of Kungliga biblioteket (digitized material) [weburn.kb.se/metadata/077/digbild_10319077.htm accessed 2020.05.01]

  9.  Fritz von Dardel, Fritz L Dardel and Nils E. C. Dardel (eds.) Minnen. Volume 1, Stockholm, 1912, p 72.

    Fritz von Dardel, 1841 portrait by Maria Röhl, pencil on paper, edited. Collection of Kungliga biblioteket (digitized material) [weburn.kb.se/metadata/069/digbild_10420069.htm accessed 2020.09.21]

  10. The Swiss have a long history of supplying mercenary soldiers.  The most notable remain the Swiss guard serving the Pope at the Vatican since 1506.

  11. Muster rolls of the Meuron Regiment, Commissary General of Musters Office and successors, United Kingdom, digitized copies from the National Archives of Canada (Ancestry.com).  See also biographical information on the Dardel family [dardel.info/famille/G_Alex.html accessed 2020.09.21].

  12. Biographical information based on letters written by Dardel to his older sister.  See, Dardel, Georges-Alexander. Letter received by Marianne Dardel, Övedsklosters Slott, 13 June 1808, Sjöbo, Skåne, Sweden. Transcription of  handwritten copy of the original made by Georges de Dardel in 1955 [dardel.info/famille/G-Alex1.html accessed  2020.09.21]; and Dardel, Georges-Alexander. Letter received by Marianne Dardel, Hornsunds herrgård, 18 October 1808,   Flen, Södermanland, Sweden. Transcription of  handwritten copy of the original made by Georges de Dardel in 1955 [dardel.info/famille/G-Alex2.html accessed 2020.09.21]

  13. In the letter to his oldest sister Marianne in 1808 Dardel noted his return to Sweden from Rugen Island in Pomerania.  There he had been involved with Madame d'Engelbrechten (possibly the second wife, Marie Sophie Ohlsen, of Herman Fredrik Christian von Engelbrechten).  He then had an affair with a married woman in Helsingborg before he met his wife (a recent widow and countess) at a dinner held by baron Ramel at one of the baron's estates near Helsingborg. The contrast to the lives of those Swedes who chose to emigrate to our area could not be greater.




07 May 2020

Swedish-American Surnames

"I'm sorry, I know you're also a Swedish Jones from Jamestown – except we're not related.  Yes, I am related to another family of Joneses in Jamestown, but we're related through our Peterson side of the family, not through the Joneses."

This confusion between surnames and family relationships is not limited to my own last name. In many instances it seems that our surnames are not a particularly useful way of identifying distant Swedish cousins.

Swedish surnames sometimes become troublesome brainteasers that complicate research about our immigrant ancestors. Many were known by several names whose use changed over time. In my own family's case, my great-great grandfather's older brother, Carl Jonsson Klang, became known as Carl Clang, Carl Jonsson, Charlie Johnson and eventually Charles Jones. The use of these names often overlapped and depended on context. Lutherans were often identified by their Swedish names even after decades living in the United States. Methodists were commonly known by their American names.

The various manners in which we acquired our Swedish-American surnames is a reflection of the inconsistent assimilation of our ancestors into their new world.

The Context of Swedish American Surnames


Sweden's patronymic naming pattern predates the concept of Sweden itself.  These names describe a social relationship dominated by male responsibility for family members.  At times the search for a child born outside of marriage leads to a later clarification that denotes x's son or dotter and with that identification the corresponding legal and financial responsibility.  Within an agrarian society with limited mobility there was little need to change from these patronyms.

Inherited surnames became useful in urban settings and the move to cities during the 1800s resulted in an exchange of patronyms for inherited surnames.1 This pattern had begun much earlier in several sectors of Swedish society and a few families in our area were from urban families, i.e., Dr. F. Mauritz Fincke [1854.008] or the Folkerts, both with fixed surnames reaching back into the 1700s in Stockholm. Descendants of immigrants to Sweden, including the Walloons and the Dutch, often distinguished themselves with their surnames, i.e. Isaac K. Been [1844.001]. Swedish surnames that used an accent were often associated with Swedish upper class status, i.e., Isak Kiljian Béen or Per Adolph Gothard Norén known in America as Peter A. Norene [1854.020]. Swedish surnames based on Latin often indicated an affiliation with the Church, University or the State, i.e., Isaac W. Agrelius [1851.103], Gustaf Unonius, or Eric Norelius. It was common for University students to adopt new surnames, i.e., B.G.P. Bergenlund [1853.028] born Bengt Gustaf Persson. Many Swedes adopted a new surname during their apprenticeship, i.e., Samuel Berg [1852.086], Sven Rydberg [1853.002], Samuel Sjöstrand Johnson [1849.026].

Some surnames became inherited from assigned military names that were practical necessities. These surnames appear alone or as a compound surname, i.e. Charles Jones [1852.055] is often listed as Carl Jonsson Klang while his wife is listed as Charlotta Davoust [1854.024], both from military families. There were many early Swedish settlers in our area from military families (see an incomplete list below).  Their use of military surnames in America ranged from precise continuation such as Andrew Pryts [1853.038], to direct translation, like John Lake [1850.041] formerly Jonas Sjö, to adaptation, like John Brant [1851.134] also known as Johan Brandt, or dropped altogether.

The major change in America was the adoption of new invented surnames.  These family names were only recently adopted in Sweden or sometimes added when the family arrived here and they were commonly spelled differently to conform to the limited English alphabet in America.  Our local surnames of this category include Alstrom, Ahlstrom, Berglund, Bergstrom, Bloomquist, Dahlgren, Ecklof, Eckholm, Eckstrom, Ecklund, Fagerstrom, Lindal, Lindberg, Lindquist, Lindstrom, Lund, Lundberg, Lundgren, Lundine, Lundquist, Malmquist, Malmrose, Nordstrom, Sandberg, Sanbury, Sundell, Westerberg, among many others.

Rev. Lawrence Albert Johnston
Only a few families adopted radical new names, i.e. Rev. Julius Lincoln. At least one Swedish-American chose a snooty name, Frederick J. and Charlotte Johnson's son became Rev. Lawrence A. Johnston.

Some names may have been used as disguises in America. There is still no understanding of the origin of William Smith. It is likely that Smith came as a sailor to America. That makes his identification complex to begin with, but even in Lutheran church records he is referred to by his American name with no reference to his original Swedish name. The change to America provided an opportunity to entirely separate your American life from your previous Swedish life.

Some families chose amalgamated names: American-sounding yet with Swedish nuances.  Jones is a good example, Akins is another, and Burch another.  Each of these surnames are identical or similar to Yankee family names already common in our area. Jonasson or Jonsson sounded like Jones, Ek sounded like Akins, and Björke sounded like Burch.

Of course, most families simply modified their patronym to a Yankee form.  Larsson became Lawson in our area, Svensson became Swanson, Bengtsson usually became Benson, Pehrsson sometimes became Parson, and Zachrisson transformed into Sackris.  But most names simply lost one of their double esses.

Consistency


My own family's immigrant siblings were divided by religion and circumstances, but all these children of Jonas Klang chose to use the surname Jones.  This sort of conformity is not necessarily typical.  The three oldest children of Eva Peterson [1853.007] continued with their partronym and became Petersons while the next three children seem to have adopted a form of their father's patronym (Peter Jonasson) and became Joneses.  The youngest chose Clark, the surname of her foster family.  The unpredictability of surname choice can be a wild card in genealogical research among Swedes in our area.

Most families who emigrated were of one or two generations (nuclear), so the surname normally followed the patronym of the older generation –  but not always.  Anders Peter Johansson became Andrew Peterson [1849.046] and his children retained a version of their patronyms changing Petersson and Petersdotter to Peterson.

Swedish Density - regional variations in names and changes over time


Assimilation was valued by the earliest Swedes to settle in our area.  Given names often morphed to common contemporary names, i.e, Lars sometimes became Delos, Gustaf became August, and Carl became Charles.  But in other regions with higher concentrations of Swedes, Swedish names persisted (i.e, Minnesota). This same phenomenon can be seen in our own area at the end of the century when given names and surnames returned to a much more Swedish form.

Several histories have mistakenly used surnames as a means for identifying Swedes in populations.  The clearest example of this is by Nels Hokanson in 1942 in his book, Swedish Immigrants In Lincoln's Time.  Hokanson tried to identify Swedes who had served during the Civil War by the Swedishness of their names, thereby tallying Augustus Johnson (not Swedish) but missing George Thompson (Swedish), misunderstanding the Swedish military origins of the name Peter Prosit (Swedish) and significantly under-counting the Swedish community's participation in our area.  Swedes in our area adopted many surnames that didn't scream Swede, like Jones, Smith, Miller, Baker, Brown, Delaine, Frank, Hendricks, Jackson, Akins, Leonard, Burch, Lake, Morris, Neil, Odell, Pettis, Sims, Spencer, Wright, et al.

Swedish Women (have to) adapt


Another radical change in surnames was the adoption by Swedish women of the American naming pattern with wives taking on the surname of their husband.  For genealogy it is complicated to identify Mrs. Frank Jones.  On this website I typically include a very formal entry for a wife, i.e., Mrs. Otto (Lisa Lena) Peterson [1848.009] to identify someone known to Swedes as Lisa Lena Andersdotter.

Becoming a Jones - a surname study


Carl Jonsson Klang [1852.055] emigrated from Målilla in 1852 and settled in Jamestown.  The next year his siblings, Frans, Nils and Johanna left home for Amerika.  In 1855 only Carl was included in the New York State Census, listed as Carl Johnson in the household of Orsino E. Jones2 then working as a butcher.  In 1856 Rev. Jonas Swensson listed him as Carl Jönsson Klang.  In the 1860 United States Census the siblings were listed as Charles Jones, Frank Jones and Augustus Jones.  In 1866 their brother Samuel arrived, relinquishing the Johansson he had used in Stockholm and Öland, and thereby becoming Samuel John Otto Jones.

So why did they choose Jones?  No accounting came down in our family – the nearest authority was an explanation given by my great-aunt, a grandchild of Samuel Jones. Her understanding was that Jones was the closest sounding rendition to Jonsson.  These immigrants' patronym was Jonasson (sons of Jonas Klang ), commonly contracted to Jonsson in Målilla.  It also may have been considered that Jones was more like Jonsson because they were the sons of Jonas, not the sons of Johan (and thereby not Johnsons). Nonetheless, the influence of the Yankee name, assimilation, and the reference to Orsine Jones undoubtedly shaped their decision.

The Akins family - a surname study


Jöns Magnus Jonsson [1851.124] and Maria Jonsdotter Åmans [1851.121] emigrated with their five children from their farm at Fågelvik in Hässleby parish, Jönköpings län in 1851.  He used a slightly anglicized version of his name, Jons Magnus Johnson, on the paperwork required for citizenship (1853 intent and 1856 naturalization). In 1856 Rev. Jonas Swensson listed him as Jöns Magn. Jönssson.  In the 1860 United States Census he was enumerated as John Akins and his oldest son in Watertown, Carver County, Minnesota was listed as Jonas P. Acken.

So why did they choose Akins?  This surname was not used by the family in Sweden and there is no precedent based on military name or farm name.  Mary Akins was from the parish of Ökna whose pronunciation is similar to oek-na but it is improbable that Akins was their direct adaptation of this place. Instead, it is likely that Akins was based on the popularity of Ek (oak in Swedish, pronunciation) that is the common root for many of the new Swedish surnames that were adopted by families in the second half of the 1800s. Usually spelled in America with the form Eck (but at times with the more modern form Ek ), it is the basis for surnames like Eckberg, Eckblad, Eckdahl, Eckholm, Ecklof, Ecklund, Eckman, Eckstom, Ekstrand, or Eckwall. Coincidentally, their neighbors back in Sweden (in Fågelvik) adopted the surname Ek later in the 1850s.  Akins sounds like Ek.

Letter from Carl Johan Hjelm to Rev. Jonas Swensson dated
19 January 1858. ELCA Archive, Jonas Swensson Letter Collection.
Photo by John Everett Jones.
But beyond the Swedish sound of the name, there were several Aikens families (various spellings) already living in Chautauqua and Warren counties.  In 1807 Joseph Aikin had been the first settler in the Town of Kiantone in Chautauqua County, New York.3  There was also a local family named Akeley.  Note that the spelling of the new Swedish-American family surname Akins differed from the Yankee surnames and was consistent in its spelling (unlike many of their Yankee compatriots).

The advantage of this new surname was in its practicality.  It made mailing addresses more specific (the Swedish Akins versus the Johnsons), diminishing confusion in letter delivery by Yankee post office workers.  An example of the importance of clear identification and the post office is seen in an 1858 letter signed by Carl Johan Hjelm [1852.099] but with instructions to Rev. Jonas Swensson to please address any response to Charles Neil.

Endnotes

  1. For a discussion of surnames and Swedish genealogy, see Nils William Olsson, "Some Notes on Swedish Names"

    See also Marianne Blomqvist. "Finland-Swedish Surnames in America." Finnish Americana, Vol 6 (1983-84), p. 40-43. Digital version. [www.genealogia.fi/emi/art/article425e.htm accessed 2020.04.19]

    Wikén, Erik (1982) "When Did Swedish Patronymics Become Surnames?," Swedish American Genealogist: Vol. 2 : No. 1 , Article 5. Digital version. digitalcommons.augustana.edu/swensonsag/vol2/iss1/5

  2. Orsino Ellick Jones (1829-1907) later became a prominent real estate developer in Jamestown. His donation of land to the city resulted in the naming of Jamestown's Jones Memorial Park and its second hospital, Jones Memorial.

  3. Downs. History of Chautauqua County, New York, And Its People. Boston: American Historical Society, 1921, p 32.

Partial List of Early Swedish Immigrants from Military Families


Military/
Spouses
American Name
Military Name/Derived Name
Military Parent
1850.041
John Lake
Johan Månsson Sjö

1850.042
Mrs. John (Helena) Lake

1851.015
Magnus Nöjd
Magnus Nöjd

1852.096
Christina Magnidotter
Nils Fredrik Nihl

1852.094
Adolph F. Neil
Adolph Fredrik Nilsson Nihl

1852.095
Mrs. A.F. (Anna K.) Neil

1852.099
Charles Neil
Carl Johan Nilsson Hjelm
Nils Fredrik Nihl
1852.100
Mrs. Charles (Louisa) Neil
Sven Lund
1852.144
Charles Flink
Carl Andersson Flink

1852.145
Mrs. Charles (Louise) Flink

1853.038
Andrew Pryts
Anders Bengtsson Pryts

1853.038
Mrs. Andrew (Martha) Pryts

1851.088
Elias Sanbury
Elias Samuelsson Sandberg
Samuel Wahl
1851.089
Mrs. Elias (Charlotte C.) Sanbury
Stina Lotta Berg
Carl Berg
1851.091
Carl Berg
Carl Berg
Johan Fredrik Berg




Military 
Children


Military Parent
1846.001
Samuel Dahl

Samuel Dahl
1850.043
Mrs. John P. (Christine C.) Sampson

Johan Månsson Sjö
1850.044
John M. Lake
Johan Magnus Sjö
1850.045
Mrs. Allen B. (Helen J.) Dakin

1851.134
John Brant
Johan Brandt
Peter Brandt
i0733
Andrew Brant
Anders Brandt
1849.005
Anna Maria Pehrsdotter

Peter Järn
1849.033
Mrs. Abraham (Mary C.) Hokanson

Johan Giberg
1851.011
Mrs. Andrew (Albertina) Swanson

Magnus Nöjd
1851.025
Charles Malm

Carl Malm
1851.090
Charles Sanbury

Carl Sandberg
1851.096
Nels Anderson

Anders Månsson
1851.177
Charles Thorr

Carl Tapper
1851.072
Augustus Neil
August Nihl
Nils Fredrik Nihl
1852.098
Christina Lovisa Nihl

1852.101
Sophia Neil

Carl Johan Nilsson Hjelm
1852.102
Mrs. Samuel (Emma) Arnot

1852.103
Charles Oscar Neil

1852.104
John August Neil

1852.055
Charles Jones
Carl Klang
Jonas Klang
i0525
Frank Jones
Frans Klang
i0527
Augustus N. Jones
Nils August Jonsson Klang
1852.140
John P. Crane
Johan Peter Kron
Peter Kron
1852.134
Mrs. John P. (Annie L.) Peterson
Anna Lisa Kron
1852.135
Mrs. Charles F. (Johanna C.) Johnson
Johanna Carolina Kron
1852.136
Sara Christina Kron
Sara Christina Kron
1852.138
Augustus A. Crane
Gustaf Adolf Kron
1852.137
Clara Mathilda Kron
Clara Mathilda Kron
1852.139
Carl Adam Kron
Carl Adam Kron
i1126
Catharina Zachrisdotter

Zachris Ryding
1852.031
Charles Peterson Prosit
Carl Prosit
Peter Prosit
1852.086
Samuel Berg

Jonas Hus
1853.052
Rev. C.O. Hultgren

Carl Magnus Hultgren
1856.002
Mrs. Jonas (Maria) Swensson
Maria Blixt
Johan Blixt
1856.003
Johanna Swensson Blixt
Johanna Blixt




1856.011
Charles J. Anderson

Anders Färm